【新刊速递】《亚太国际关系》(IRAP), Vol. 23, No. 3, 2023 | 国政学人

题目：Resentment, status dissatisfaction, and the emotional underpinnings of Japanese security policy

作者：Thao-Nguyen Ha，乌普萨拉大学和平与冲突研究部研究助理；Linus Hagström，瑞典国防大学政治学教授，斯德哥尔摩经济学院日本研究所研究员。

摘要：如何解释日本近几十年来安全政策的变化?本文关注到国际关系中的“情感转向”，采用了基于怨恨的分析框架，该框架将怨恨定义为持久的愤怒形式与对地位不满的产物。本文通过对18位日本保守派议员和高级官员的采访，讨论了以修宪为前提的日本安全政策重塑过程中怨恨情绪的作用、功能和普遍程度。分析表明，保守派精英具有强烈的地位意识;而那些将日本的劣等地位归咎于所谓“和平主义”的人，更有可能将修改宪法第九条本身视为目的。然而，对于一部分保守派人士而言，他们的目标是扩展宪法，以增强日本对恐惧对象的威慑或作为团结盟国的手段。总体而言，本文表明，怨恨为分析国际政治中的地位不满提供了一个富有成效的视角。

What explains Japan’s security policy change in recent decades? Heeding the ‘emotional turn’ in International Relations, this article applies a resentment-based framework, which defines resentment as a long-lasting form of anger and the product of status dissatisfaction. Leveraging interviews with 18 conservative Japanese lawmakers and senior officials, the article discusses the role, function, and prevalence of resentment in the remaking of Japan’s security policy, premised on constitutional revision. The analysis reveals that conservative elites are acutely status-conscious; and that those who blame a perceived inferior status on Japan’s alleged pacifism are more likely to see revision of Article 9 as an end in itself. For a subset of conservatives, however, the goal is rather to stretch the Constitution to enhance Japan’s means of deterrence vis-à-vis objects of fear or in solidarity with allies. Overall, the article demonstrates that resentment provides a fruitful lens for analyzing status dissatisfaction in international politics.

题目：‘No Japan’: explaining motivations behind nationalist boycotts in South Korea

作者：Jiyoung Ko,高丽大学政治与国际关系系副教授；Sung Mi Kim，美国加州大学圣地亚哥分校全球政策与战略学院商业与外交研究中心研究主任。

摘要：当日本在2019年将韩国从最值得信任的贸易伙伴白名单中删除时，韩国人以组织大规模民族主义抵制日本商品作为回应。是什么影响了韩国公民参与这场民族主义运动的意愿?本文沿着民族主义抵制的两个维度——作为集体选择的抵制和作为情绪反应的抵制——以及韩国民族主义抵制日本的历史模式，对个人参与抵制背后的动机进行了系统调查。从韩国收集的原始调查数据中，我们发现公民的民族主义底线是一个重要的调节变量。对于那些对日本怀有强烈民族主义情绪的人来说，集体行动和情绪化准备的影响都微乎其微。然而，对于那些对日本的民族主义底线相对较低的人来说，有大规模参与的预期对提高他们抵制日本的意愿发挥了关键作用。

When Japan in 2019 removed South Korea from its whitelist of most trusted trading partners, South Koreans responded by organizing mass nationalist boycotts against Japanese goods. What affects South Korean citizens’ willingness to participate in this nationalist movement? In this article, we offer a systematic investigation of individuals’ motivations behind their boycott participation along the two dimensions of nationalist boycotts – boycotts as a collective choice and boycotts as an emotional reaction – as well as the historical patterns of South Korean nationalist boycotts against Japan. From original survey data collected in South Korea, we find that citizens’ baseline nationalism is an important moderating factor. For those who have strong nationalistic sentiments against Japan, both collective action and emotional primes have only a marginal impact. However, for those who have relatively low baseline nationalism against Japan, an expectation of mass participation plays a critical role in boosting their desire for boycott participation.

题目：Seeking status and ontological security in hierarchy: Korea in the historical East Asian order

作者：In Young Min，海德堡大学东亚研究中心讲师

摘要：本文认为，在国际等级体系中，次要国家采取独特的战略以确定和确保其身份。他们何时以及为什么采取社会化和模仿的策略?他们何时以及为什么要优先考虑身份安全，甚至不惜牺牲物理安全?为了解决这些问题，本文对明清时期朝鲜与中国帝国之间的关系进行了实证研究。本文提出为何朝鲜自愿服从明朝，并且为什么是在清朝崛起的明显权力转移时期它也要冒这种生存风险。在社会认同理论和本体论安全研究的基础上，本文提出了次要国家身份寻求理论。从理论上说，该理论建构了一种新的机制，即次级国家的地位寻求通过深度社会化产生锁定效应。从经验上看，它通过明确地将次要国家对身份的追求理论化，为日益增长的东亚历史国际关系文献增添了新内容。

This article argues that secondary states in international hierarchy pursue distinctive strategies to define and secure their identities. When and why do they adopt strategy of socialization and emulation? When and why do they prioritize security of identity even at the expense of physical security? To address these questions, I empirically examine the relationships between Korea and imperial China during the Ming and Qing dynasties. I ask why Chosŏn Korea chose to voluntarily subordinate to the Ming, and why it risked its survival during the period of obvious power transition with the rise of the Qing. I develop a theory of secondary states’ identity-seeking based on social identity theory and ontological security studies. Theoretically, it suggests a new mechanism in which secondary states’ status-seeking generates a lock-in effect through deep socialization. Empirically, it adds to the growing literature on historical East Asian international relations by explicitly theorizing secondary states’ quest for identity.

题目：Why delegate to the IMF? Congressional preference and blame avoidance

作者：Masafumi Fujita，关西学院大学法律与政治学院助理教授

摘要：尽管国际货币基金组织(IMF)在20世纪90年代中期之前向具有战略意义的国家提供了大规模的双边救助，但为什么美国近年来将其大部分危机贷款委托给它？以往关于救助策略选择的研究未能解释这一重要变化，并且此类研究的一个主要问题是，它关注的是行政部门的偏好，而忽视了立法部门的偏好。立法机构可以对救助政策的选择产生重大影响，现有研究也表明，其对于最近的变化美国国会起了主导作用。本文假设，国会陷入两难境地，一方面需要救助，另一方面因不平等的扩大而引起选民反对，于是将救助委托给国际货币基金组织以避免指责。为了验证这一假设，本研究对IMF增资投票进行了统计分析，并对墨西哥和亚洲危机进行了案例分析。

Why has the United States delegated most of its crisis lending to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in recent years, although it provided large-scale bilateral bailouts to strategically important countries until the mid-1990s? Previous research on the choice of bailout strategy has failed to explain this important change, and a major problem with such research is that it has focused on executive branch preferences, overlooking those of the legislative branch. The legislature can significantly influence the choice of bailout policies, and existing research also implies that the US Congress has steered the recent change. This article hypothesizes that, caught in a dilemma between the need for bailouts and voters’ opposition caused by widening inequality, Congress delegated bailouts to the IMF for blame avoidance. To test this hypothesis, the study conducts a statistical analysis of the IMF’s capital increase votes and case analyses of the Mexican and Asian crises.